"Sistem Kolonialisme Belanda" - Jan Jacob van Klaveren

Sempat membaca sepintas buku ini, dan buat saya cukup menarik untuk menambah informasi mengenai sejarah dan khususnya sistem kolonialisme Belanda (Dutch/Hollandia/Netherland) di Indonesia masa lalu, dari perspektif orang Belanda sendiri. Penulisnya adalah Jan Jacob van Klaveren, seorang dosen ekonomi di Universitas Chulalongkorn-Bangkok.

Buku yang diterbitkan pada tahun 1953 ini mengulas banyak hal --meskipun terasa agak menggantung karena kisahnya berhenti pada saat masuknya Jepang tahun 1942--, diantaranya:

• Kondisi budaya-sosial-politik masyarakat dan elit di East Indies, seperti pola tanam, komoditas, penguasaan tanah, peran raja/sultan, dll.;
• Persaingan dengan bangsa Eropa lain dalam memperebutkan komoditas dan wilayah di East Indies, khususnya dengan Portugis;
• Konteks sosial-politik di Belanda dan Eropa, yaitu perang Eropa, kekuasaan Perancis dan Inggris;
• Perusahaan dagang Belanda khususnya Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) dan Nederiandsche Handel Maatschappij (NHM);
• Strategi dan kebijakan kolonialisme Belanda, diantaranya tentang kekerasan, kekuatan militer, pelemahan kekuatan politik lokal, perbudakan, pajak, monopoli, politik etis, cultuur stelsel, dll.;
• Ekspansi militer dan penguasaan East Indies oleh Jepang tahun 1942.

Berikut adalah beberapa poin dari kesimpulan buku ini. Bagi yang berminat dapat membaca atau membeli buku ini ya…

Sumber:

Jan Jacob van Klaveren (1953). The Dutch Colonial System in East Indies. Bailey & Swinfen.

Link: : 

https://books.google.co.id/books?id=uvQsBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA87&dq=The+Dutch+Colonial+System+in+East+Indies&hl=id&sa=X&ei=pCojVeP8JsmPuATP0YHwCQ&ved=0CB0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=The%20Dutch%20Colonial%20System%20in%20East%20Indies&f=false

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CHAPTER XXll

CONCLUSION

(Pp.195-199)

• There could be discerned three big regions with a fundamentally different material substructure, a ladang-region comprising the western Big Sunda Islands, a sawah-region practically restricted to Java and Bali, and a sago-region in the eastern part.
• Because of their specific economic substructure, the empires of the Outer Possessions lacked a territorial foundation. They were only frequently changing combinations of scattered ports. They did not stand firmly rooted in the soil hut were suspended in the network of trade communications. Very often they were creations of merchant-adventurers. Trade and money came together here, but on Java firm territorially organized feudal states had already developed.
• They stood nearer to the king than the sparse surrounding population. But money economy did not denote the existence of a numeraus public with a money-demand for articles of trade and consumption or a free supply of market praduce. Only sofar as the King's influence did not reach, merchants, generally foreigners, could mediate in trade. These mercantile foreign colonies were the only freely consuming public in the money sphere. Already in import and still more in export, they were severely restricted by the King's monopoly.
• The Dutch drove out their rivals and again the system of economic exchange absorbed increasing elements of force and tributes. This could, however, succeed only on Java and in the Moluccas. They were practically all taken over with preservation of the native rulers. This tribute system remained until far into the 19th Century in spite of the Industrial Revolution.
• How far the culture-system (C.S.) had been suitable to ereate a money demand for textiles and iron mongery was shown by the emergenee of Twente after 1834. The Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappy (N.H.M.), the creation of King William the First, was the bridge struck between the mother country's industry and the colonies' market crops.
• The C.S. had collaborated with entrepreneurs especially in the manufacturing of sugar. These sugar-contractors desired to take over the role of the government in cultivation. When this transfer was gradually effected after 1878, the elements of force remained.
• The mountain cultures, coffee and tea, could easily get land in suitable climates against the mountain slopes but free labour was not offered until the population had expanded over the island and against the mountain slopes and unti! enough landless natives were available i.e. after 1890. For this reason the coffee-culture was continued by the C.S. until very late even as late as 1922.
• In Sumatra, a free tobacco culture had developed in Deli on the excellent andesitic ash-soils and with the use of imported Chinese contract -coolies from 1863 w hen the C.S. still reigned supreme on Java.
• On Java, "free" cultures, contemporaneous with the C.S., developed mainly in the remaining Sultanates of Djocja and Solo, at first especially coffee but since 1860 predominantly sugar and tobacco.
• After 1870, tributes dwindled. "Tributation" made way for exploitation. The profits of the tributational C.S. are known, circa one billion guilders. The profits of entrepreneurial exploitation can only be estimated.
• Since about 1890, the Binnenlandsch Bestuur (BB or Civil Service) withdrew its help from the prospering entrepreneurs. Gradually it even adopted the role of protector of the natives. The socalled "ethical direction" among the B.B.
• The new "pacte colonial" was palliated in many ways, though in essence it remained. The manufacture of paper, rubber-tires, beer, textiles, cigarettes, soap was begun by Western concerns: e.g. Goodyear, Lever Bros. The war of 1939 brought a new boom of export and a corresponding efflorescence of horne industry until the Japanese occupation in 1942.